Key Takeaways
- March and March presents itself as a legitimate civil‑society organisation but uses nationalist symbols and grassroots tactics to promote an anti‑migrant agenda.
- The group mirrors far‑right movements worldwide by exploiting social grievances such as unemployment, poverty and unaffordable healthcare to fuel xenophobic campaigns.
- Founder Jacinda Ngobese‑Zuma drives the organisation’s visibility, leveraging social media, crowdfunding and high‑profile marches to amplify its message.
- While online activity suggests broad support, real‑world turnout remains modest, typically ranging from 300 to 500 participants in major cities.
- Scholars warn that the group’s “crisis manipulation” distracts from substantive democratic work and lends unwarranted credibility to politicians who join its protests.
Origins and Self‑Presentation
March and March brands itself as a civic organisation, complete with a website that showcases T‑shirts, marches and campaigns reminiscent of South Africa’s vibrant civil‑society sector. By draping its merchandise in the national flag and invoking patriotic imagery, the group seeks to portray itself as a nation‑building force. This deliberate use of symbols is intended to lend legitimacy to an agenda that is, in practice, distinctly anti‑foreigner.
Tactical Mimicry of Far‑Right Movements
The organisation closely follows the playbook of wealthy‑world far‑right, anti‑ migrant groups: it embeds itself within existing community organisations, taps into local grievances such as joblessness, inadequate healthcare and poverty, and then redirects those frustrations toward anti‑foreigner rhetoric. By framing migration as the root cause of socioeconomic woes, March and March creates a convenient scapegoat that mobilises citizens who feel left behind by the state.
Leadership and Founder Influence
Jacinda Ngobese‑Zuma is identified as the founder and the public face of March and March. Her background in radio — first at Gagasi FM and later at Vuma FM in Durban — gives her a platform to shape narratives and attract followers. Ngobese‑Zuma’s omnipresence on the organisation’s social media accounts, website and fundraising campaigns underscores a leader‑centric model that relies heavily on personal charisma to sustain momentum.
Digital Fundraising and Grassroots Mimicry
A BackaBuddy crowdfunding drive aimed at raising R20,000 has so far gathered R13,167, with individual donations averaging around R200. Although the sums are modest, the campaign mirrors the small‑donor, crowdsourced financing tactics used by progressive civil‑society movements. This approach signals an attempt to appear organic and community‑driven while simultaneously building a financial base for future activities.
Alliances with Other Anti‑Migrant Groups
March and March has recently aligned itself with Amabhinca Nation, an anti‑ migrant collective led by former Ukhozi FM host Ngizwe Mchunu, who faced incitement charges after the 2021 July riots (later acquitted). The partnership amplifies the reach of both groups, allowing them to share protest venues, co‑ordinate messaging and present a united front against perceived foreign threats.
Academic Observation and Narrative Shift
Yossabel Chetty, a researcher at Stellenbosch University’s Centre for Information Integrity in Africa, first noted March and March in 2025. She observed that what initially appeared as spontaneous, organic online posting quickly evolved into a more structured and amplified campaign. Chetty’s analysis suggests the presence of multiple contributors behind the accounts, indicating a coordinated effort rather than a lone activist’s voice.
Catalyst Protest: The Twin Sisters Incident
The group’s first major public demonstration followed the tragic fall of eight‑year‑old twins Aphelele and Aphile Dlamini into an unsecured lift shaft at the Homii Lifestyle apartments in Durban (2025). Although the accident was a building‑safety failure, March and March framed the incident as evidence of negligent foreign‑owned property management, thereby redirecting public anger toward migrants and linking a safety issue to immigration policy.
Violent Demonstrations and Political Convergence
On 1 April, March and March played a leading role in violent protests against the performative coronation of a self‑styled Igbo King in KuGompo, with ActionSA joining the march. More recently, about 2 000 demonstrators gathered in Pretoria, marching to the Union Buildings to demand tighter immigration controls, stricter visa regulations, a review of asylum policies and sanctions against businesses employing undocumented foreigners. Such events illustrate the group’s capacity to mobilise sizable crowds when linked to emotive incidents.
Online Presence Versus Real‑World Turnout
Despite a robust digital footprint — characterised by frequent posts, hashtags and shared videos — actual street participation remains comparatively low. Reports from recent marches in Tshwane and Johannesburg indicate turnouts of only 300 to 500 people. This disparity suggests that while the organisation excels at online agitation and narrative framing, translating that energy into sustained, large‑scale street action remains a challenge.
Scholarly Warning: Crisis Manipulation
Chetty warns that March and March engages in “crisis manipulation,” using high‑profile incidents to divert attention from deeper democratic and governance challenges. By offering a simple anti‑migrant solution to complex problems such as unemployment and service delivery failures, the group gains rhetorical traction and, importantly, attracts political figures seeking easy victories. This dynamic risks legitimising xenophobic sentiment and undermining efforts to address root causes through inclusive policy‑making.