Key Takeaways
- Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum announced that her security cabinet is reviewing allegations that a Sinaloa‑cartel faction coerced Camino Rojo workers to vote for management’s preferred union.
- A CUSMA rapid‑response labour panel concluded that mine management engaged in “employer interference,” creating an atmosphere of fear to sway the November 2024 union vote.
- U.S. filings name a contracted operative nicknamed “el Paul” (Operativa Flechas, Sinaloa cartel) who attended union meetings armed and threatened workers with death.
- Intimidation continued after the vote loss, including a handwritten death threat delivered to a union member’s home in April 2025.
- Orla Mining says it is dialoguing with Mexican and U.S. governments, enhancing security, and reviewing possible criminal activity, while declining to comment directly on the cartel allegations.
- Security experts and labour advocates urge a criminal complaint against Orla, citing the Sinaloa cartel’s terrorist designation in Canada and calling for stronger enforcement of labour rights under CUSMA.
Presidential Response
Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum announced on Tuesday that her security cabinet is reviewing allegations that a faction of the Sinaloa cartel was involved in strong‑arming workers at the Camino Rojo gold mine so they would vote for management’s preferred union. Speaking at her regular weekday news conference, Sheinbaum said the matter is being examined alongside the findings of an international labour panel triggered under the Canada‑U.S.–Mexico Agreement (CUSMA). The Camino Rojo mine, located about 600 kilometres north of Mexico City in Zacatecas, is owned by Vancouver‑based Orla Mining. The president added that she would also discuss the issue with the secretary of labour and social welfare as the government seeks to clarify any links between organized crime and the mine’s labour relations.
CUSMA Panel Findings
The three‑member CUSMA rapid‑response labour panel issued a final determination on February 13 stating that Camino Rojo management engaged in “employer interference” by allowing an atmosphere of fear to permeate the lead‑up to the November 2024 vote on union representation. The panel concluded that workers were denied their labour rights because threats and coercion were used to steer them toward the union favoured by management. The vote resulted in a victory for the National Union of Exploration, Exploitation and Processing Mine Workers (Beneficio de Minas), which displaced the long‑standing Mineros Union that had represented the workforce since 2021. The panel noted that the interference was aggravated by the mine’s failure to act against known intimidation, saying the company could not, nor should it have, ignored such conduct.
Mine Ownership and Union Context
Camino Rojo is an open‑pit gold mine situated in a semi‑desert area of the municipality of Mazapil, Zacatecas. Orla Mining, headquartered in Vancouver, acquired the asset and later added the Musselwhite gold mine in northwestern Ontario to its portfolio. In early 2024 the company was negotiating a collective‑bargaining agreement with the National Union of Workers for Mining, Metalworking and Similar (Mineros Union). Simultaneously, management began planning to replace Mineros with Beneficio de Minas, a union widely described in U.S. filings as a “white” or “protection” union that tends to support employers’ interests over those of workers. After negotiations stalled, the Mineros Union filed a complaint with the United States, which triggered the CUSMA labour‑panel process.
Alleged Cartel Operative
U.S. filings in the case allege that an individual nicknamed “el Mocho” and “el Paul,” who belongs to the Operativa Flechas faction of the Sinaloa cartel, was hired on contract by the Camino Rojo mine. A blurred photograph supplied by the U.S. Office of the Trade Representative shows the man in the front seat of a vehicle bearing the Orla Mining logo. According to the documents, el Paul attended and interrupted Mineros Union meetings accompanied by armed individuals. On May 21, 2024, he allegedly told workers that they would be killed if they did not stand down, a claim made despite the union’s prior request for Mexican law‑enforcement presence, which authorities reportedly declined because of el Paul’s purported influence over local officials.
Continued Intimidation
Intimidation did not cease after the union lost the vote. In April 2025 a hooded man delivered a handwritten threat to a Mineros Union member’s home, warning that the recipient would soon “pay” and that there was “nowhere for the person to hide.” The accompanying image of the letter, translated by the U.S. Office of the Trade Representative, reads: “Now you are in for it. You and [redacted] didn’t want to end your bullshit. You will pay for all that you have made me lose. There is no place where you can hide where I won’t find you. Camino Rojo is already mine!” Mineros Union national president Napoleón Gómez Urrutia, also a federal lawmaker with the governing Morena party, accused the mine of using relationships with criminal groups to impose the spurious union by force, violence, intimidation and fear.
Company Response
Orla Mining responded to the panel’s findings by stating that it is “engaging in dialogue with the governments of Mexico and the United States” and that it is implementing “additional measures” following the determination. The company said it had launched a review last year into potential criminal activity involving the mine, had informed the relevant authorities of that review, and is now “enhancing the mine’s security measures in collaboration with authorities.” While Orla did not directly address the cartel allegations, it emphasized its commitment to comply with applicable laws and to cooperate with ongoing investigations.
Expert Opinions and Calls for Action
Security experts weighed in on the allegations. David Saucedo, a Mexico City‑based corporate‑security consultant, noted that Operativa Flechas is part of the Mayiza faction of the Sinaloa cartel, which remains loyal to former leader Ismael (El Mayo) Zambada García, currently awaiting sentencing in the United States. He said the unit has been active in Zacatecas for several years and has acted as an ally of the Canadian mining company for roughly four or five years. Paul Bocking, a project officer with the United Steelworkers Humanity Fund, argued that a criminal complaint should be filed against Orla Mining given its alleged links to the Sinaloa cartel—a group designated as a terrorist organization in Canada—stating that “the evidence is on the table; it’s no longer a matter of anecdote.” The Canadian National Office of the United Steelworkers had filed a complaint with Employment and Social Development Canada in November 2024 seeking to trigger another CUSMA labour‑panel hearing, but Bocking described the matter as having “gone into limbo.”
Broader Implications
The developments highlight broader concerns about labour rights and corporate responsibility under the CUSMA framework. The labour‑panel finding of employer interference underscores how multinational enterprises can be pressured—or alleged to be pressured—into compromising workers’ freedoms when operating in regions with significant organized‑crime presence. Both Mexican and Canadian officials have expressed serious concern, with the Canadian government reiterating that it expects all Canadian firms abroad to respect local and international laws. As investigations continue, the outcome may influence future compliance standards for mining companies operating in Mexico and could affect the credibility of union‑selection processes governed by trade‑agreement mechanisms.